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"There's got to be a new deal. The boys are fussed up--claimin' they ain't gettin' their share. I'm seein' that they do. You can't run a camp like this an' not treat the boys right." The wonder that had been aroused in Haydon grew as Harlan talked; it increased in intensity until, when Harlan's voice died away, it developed into suspicion. That was what Harlan had come to the Star for ! He wanted to run the camp, to direct the activities of the outlaws in the valley. Power! Authority! Those were the things Harlan craved for. Haydon saw it all, now. He saw that Harlan wanted to dominate--everything. He wanted to rule the outlaw camp; he wanted to run the Rancho Seco; he intended to get possession of the gold that Morgan had left, and he wanted Barbara Morgan. The rage that had held Haydon in its clutch when he had called Harlan to him was reviving. Haydon's face was still white, but the fury in his eyes--slowly growing--was not to be mistaken. Harlan saw it, and his lips straightened. He had expected Haydon would rage over what he had determined to tell him; and he was not surprised. He had deliberately goaded the man into his present fury. He had determined to kill him, and he had been disappointed when he had seen Haydon lose his courage when the crisis arrived. And now his deliberate and premeditated plan was to bear fruit. Harlan was reluctant to kill, but there seemed to be no other way. Haydon was a murderer. He had killed Lane Morgan; he was an outlaw whose rule had oppressed the valley for many months. If Harlan could have devised some plan that would make it possible for him to attain his end without killing anybody, he would have eagerly adopted it. But in this country force must be fought with force. It was a grim game, and the rules were inflexible--kill or be killed. His own life would be safe in this section so long as he guarded it. Eternal vigilance and the will to take life when his own was threatened was a principle which custom had established. If he expected to save the girl at the Rancho Seco he could not temper his actions with mercy. And he knew that if he was to succeed in his design to disrupt the outlaw gang he would have to remove the man who stood before him, working himself into a new frenzy. There seemed to be no other way.     

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<div id="fullArticle_ctl00_divBody" class="KonaBody"> <img id="image287407" style="float: left;" src="/imagelibrary/Client Images/Client00004/ResizeCache/00235000/00235428 - 200x117.jpg" alt="" width="200" height="117" />Nissan&rsquo;s 22 High Performance Centres,louboutin, including Marshall Nissan, are braced for the first deliveries of the most focussed GT-R to date. GT-R owners are known for being among the most demanding in the world. In response to demand Nissan has replied with the GT-R Track Pack – a new version of the Nissan supercar for those drivers who want a faster, lighter, harder GT-R with an extra edge at the race track. The new car is called the Track Pack and offers GT-R drivers a more focussed driving experience while remaining fully road-legal. Unlike aftermarket modifications, this GT-R has the full blessing of the car&rsquo;s creator Kazutoshi Mizuno. On the outside, the new car features special six-spoke RAYS alloy wheels with gloss black centres. As well as looking good these wheels give a weight saving over the standard 2012 GT-R of 10kg. Additional brake cooling ducts built into the carbon front splitter reduce the operating temperature by as much 100 degrees during track use, while similar ducts hidden behind the rear wheels channel cooling air over the rear discs. Track Pack also features special,christian louboutin pas cher, stiffer suspension designed to optimise track performance. It comprises a harder set-up and increased body rigidity and has been jointly developed with the GT-R development driver Toshio Suzuki during extensive testing at the Nurburgring. It will allow GT-R customers to achieve the perfect set-up at the track but, thanks to the special dampers,air jordan, customers will be able to change the suspension for road-use at a flick of a switch. The changes that make up the Track Pack are not just under the shell, though. Inside the car loses rear seats but gains two track-ready front sports seats covered in what is affectionately referred to as &lsquo;magic cloth&rsquo; by the father of GT-R, Kazutoshi Mizuno. The Track Pack also boasts special blue-on-grey sports seats made from fabric and leather. The high friction fabric is a special material that allows occupants to &lsquo;stick&rsquo; to the seats during hard cornering and braking. A Track Pack emblem also sits on the dashboard helping to identify this special GT-R model,jordan pas cher, while more comfortable seat belts,louboutin pas cher, an enhanced Bose audio system, and a rear-view camera are fitted as standard. Performance statistics remain unchanged to the &lsquo;standard&rsquo; 2012 GT-R. That means Track Pack customers will still be able to enjoy the GT-R&rsquo;s 542bhp power output, and a 0-62 time of just 2.8 seconds. The Track Pack is priced at &pound;84,450. Call Marshall Nissan on 0844 3349607 for details. <ul> <li>LPIrxU aezWbf franklin marshall pas cher lu5j0</li> <li>Weir on top of the world after triple gold - Paralympics - C</li> <li>Supreme of chicken stuffed with smoked cheese recipe - Channel4 - 4Food</li> </ul>

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From Citizendium, the Citizens' Compendium This article covers the history of over the last 200 years. For current events see See also  Historically, Belgium and the  were known as the Low Countries. From the end of the Middle Ages until the middle of the sixteenth century, the Low Countries, and Flanders in particular, were a prosperous centre of commerce and culture. From the fourteenth century onward they were governed by Dukes of and later by the  emperor. From the middle of the sixteenth century until the of 1830, Belgium changed hands several times. It has been an independent state since 1830. <span class="mw-headline" id="Belgium_independence">Belgium independence After 1815 Belgium became the southern part of of the United Kingdom of the Netherlands.<sup id="cite_ref-0" class="reference"> King William I favored the Protestantd who dominated Holland, and he became unpopular in the south. The French-speaking Walloons strenuously rejected his attempt to make Dutch the universal language of government. However Flemings spoke a Dutch dialect (Flemish) and welcomed the encouragement of Dutch with a revival of literature and popular culture. Other Flemings, notably the educated bourgeoisie, preferred to speak French. Although Catholics possessed legal equality, after centuries as the state church in the south, they resented their subordination to a government that was fundamentally Protestant in spirit and membership. Few Catholics held high office in state or army. Political liberals in the south complained as well about the king's authoritarian methods. All southerners complained of underrepresentation in the national legislature. Although the south was industrializing and was more prosperous than the north the accumulated grievances allowed the multiple opposition forces to coalesce. The outbreak of revolution in France in 1830 was a signal for action, at first on behalf of autonomy for Belgium, as the southern provinces were now called, and later on behalf of total independence. William dithered and his half-hearted efforts to reconquer Belgium were thwarted both by the efforts of the Belgians themselves and by the diplomatic opposition of the great powers. At the the London Conference of 1830�C31, the chief powers of Europe ordered (in November, 1830) an armistice between the Dutch and the Belgians. The first draft for a treaty of separation of Belgium and the Netherlands was rejected by the Belgians. A second draft (June, 1831) was rejected by William I, who resumed hostilities. Franco-British intervention forced William to withdraw Dutch forces from Belgium late in 1831, and in 1833 an armistice of indefinite duration was concluded. Belgium was effectively independent but William��s attempts to recover Luxembourg and Limburg led to renewed tension. The London Conference of 1838�C39 prepared the final Dutch-Belgian separation treaty of 1839 and divided Luxembourg and Limburg between the Dutch and Belgian crowns. The Kingdom of the Netherlands thereafter was made up of only the 11 northern provinces.<sup id="cite_ref-1" class="reference"> 1830-1940 Friction between French-speaking Walloons and Dutch (Flemish) speaking Flemings has always been the central political issue of the Kingdom of belgium. French became the official language of government after the separation from the Netherlands in 1830. Belgian cultural life was dominated by Paris, reinforced by economic domination of the industrial south. In response came a new spirit of nationalism among the Flemings, who agitated for the equality of their language with French. This goal was finally achieved by a series of laws in the 1920s and 1930s that made Flemish the language of government, education, and the courts in the northern provinces of East Flanders and West Flanders, Antwerp, Limburg, and eastern Brabant. Brussels became a bilingual nationalcapital. <span class="mw-headline" id="High_culture">High culture Cultural life in Belgium had long stagnated but a revival among French speaking Belgians began with the new French language literary and artistic review, La Jeune Belgique (1881-97). Some of them had Flemish roots and lived in the Northern part of the country, like the great romantic and symbolist poet (1862-49, Nobel Prize 1911), the writer of Tijl Ulenspieghel ,franklin marshall, the po?t and playwright  (1855-1916), the dramatist  (1898-1962), the author of 'Bruges la Morte'  and the po?t and playwright  (1855-1916), one of the founders of symbolism. (1860-1949) was an influential Expressionist painter and printmaker, located in Ostend. (1833-98) won acclaim as graphic artist, as did symbolist painter (1855-1921) and surrealist painters  (1897-1994) and  (1898-1967). A crowded school of Flemish painters became known as the 'School of Latem St Martin' (rural commune near Gent). Amongst them Theo Van Rijsselberghe (1862-1926), ... Many French-speaking artists moved to France or had their work published by French publishing houses. This was the case for Henri Michaux (1899-1984). Inspector Maigret, the creation of (1903-89), won a wide following in translation. Apart from its French writers, the Dutch-speaking part of Belgium produced during the 19th century a number of authors writing in Dutch. The most important amongst them was, priest and po?t who reached in his language the level of e.g. Longfellow. <span class="mw-headline" id="World_War_I">World War I After four years of occupation, Belgium emerged ruined at the end of World War I. The king returned from Yser, the sliver of territory he controlled throughout the war, leading the victorious army and acclaimed by the population. In contrast, the government and the exiles came back discreetly, and the absence of the dead was felt strongly. Many saw themselves as victims of the occupation and sought revenge. Waves of popular violence accompanied liberation in November and December 1918 and the government responded through the judiciary punishment of collaboration with the enemy conducted between 1919 and 1921,air jordan pas cher, mainly by military and civil tribunals. Shop windows were broken and houses sacked, men were harassed, and women's heads were shaved. Manufacturers who had closed their businesses sought the severe repression of those who had pursued their activities. Journalists who had boycotted and stopped writing called for harsh treatment of the newspapers that submitted to German censorship. Many people stigmatized profiteers and demanded justice. Thus in 1918, Belgium was already confronted with the problems associated with occupation that most European countries only discovered at the end of World War II. <sup id="cite_ref-2" class="reference"> <span class="mw-headline" id="World_War_II">World War II  Recent The modern Belgian social security system was created in 1945. Compulsory sickness, disability, and unemployment insurance was run by a national bureau of social security was organized, incorporating prewar agencies that administered old-age programs. <span class="mw-headline" id="Flemings_and_Walloons">Flemings and Walloons Despite the new legal rights gained in the 1920s and 1930s, many Flemings, complained about a second-class status in a country where they outnumbered the Walloons. Indeed, after 1945 they became more more prosperous as well. Antagonism grew; the Catholic University of Louvain, Belgium's oldest and most prestigious university, and the private Free University of Brussels were bilingual until 1970, when each was divided into separate Dutch- and French-speaking institutions following repeated conflicts between Flemish and Walloon students. Separation was the solution. In 1971 and 1980 the constitution was revised to provide Flemings with a greater degree of cultural and political autonomy. The country was divided into three regions--Flanders (capital: Brussels), Wallonia (capital: Namur), and Brussels--with some devolution of power from the central government to regional governments and the ultimate adoption of a federal system. The regions control 40% of all public spending and control roads, urban projects, health services, the environment, and, especially, education. The regions also regulate industry; Wallonia operates the aging steel industry. In 2008 the government was paralyzed for months with the possibility of separation being discussed. However Flemish nationalists had a problem with their language itself, which had dissolved into a multiple local dialects during the long period of French domination of education and culture. With nationalist encouragement, however, it has become increasingly standardized since World War I. In 1973 the Flemish Cultural Council decreed that the language should be designated officially as Dutch, and not Flemish. Besides a dramatic linguistic division between Flemings and Walloons, cultural styles differ; the Flemings tend to be more actively Catholic and republican and Walloons tend to be more secularist, royalist, and socialist. <span class="mw-headline" id="Turkish_immigrants">Turkish immigrants Turkish labor was brought in to work the Belgian coal mines during the 1960s and 1970s. Between 1963 and 1971, the Belgian coal industry recruited more than 14,000 Turkish workers, not counting those who arrived independently and who were employed by other sectors in need of the assistance of foreign labor. Despite its high cost, official recruitment of labor in Turkey proved to be effective. Thus, the Belgian authorities decided to promote actively the stabilization of the new immigrant workers, notably by giving increased assistance to reuniting families. The arrival of the first contingents of Turkish workers was, however, marked by a lack of preparedness to receive and look after this new population, and the incidents that flared up during the first year of the Turkish presence in Belgium seemed to indicate that the new policy might fail. The resolution of the difficulties encountered with the Turkish labor was achieved through the combined action of the different parties involved in the recruitment program: the mining companies and the Belgian and Turkish authorities. The organizational structures put in place to create and perpetuate a social order favorable to the authorities concerned had a considerable impact on the future of the Turks in Belgium. Moreover, the Belgian trade-union organizations also became involved and sought to bring the immigrant workers into their structures. The professional and social integration of the Turkish miners and of the first families to arrive was reinforced with the appointment of social delegates from Turkey, while the stabilization of the population and the reunification of families were assisted by an official publication in the Turkish language. The sociocultural and religious structures of support for the population were taken charge of by the Turkish authorities with the intention of preserving intact a strong sense of the workers' Turkish identity and their unwavering loyalty to their homeland. These various partners pursued their cooperation during the 1970s.<sup id="cite_ref-3" class="reference"> Historiography With Belgian independence in 1830 Europe had a new state and a new historiography, which explored the constitutional liberties of this young state. Its historians unanimously considered the Burgundian state a prefiguration of independent Belgium and most attacked the Burgundian dukes as French princes responsible for repressing Belgian identity. From the 1890s on, however,jordan pas cher, opinion changed, as typified by Henri Pirenne. Historians now praised the dukes for having ensured the maintenance of the state and the precedence of the common good over the local interests of municipalities and the principalities. Pirenne gave the most highly finished interpretation, which expressed an anxiety with regard to the social and linguistic tensions in Belgium at a time when peace seemed increasingly endangered in Europe.<sup id="cite_ref-4" class="reference">  The most influential historian of Belgium was medievalist  (1862-1935), a Walloon who wrote a masterful multivolume history of Belgium and became a national hero. At the University of Li��ge he was a student of Godefroid Kurth (1847-1916),christian louboutin pas cher, and served as professor of history at the University of Ghent (1886-1930). A leader of Belgian passive resistance in World War I, the Germans held him (1916�C18) as a hostage. Pirenne's Histoire de Belgique (7 vol., 1899�C1932) stressed how traditional and economic forces had drawn Flemings and Walloons together. Pirenne, inspired by patriotic nationalism, presupposed a Belgian unity - social,air jordan, political, and ethnic - which predated its 1830 independence by centuries. Although a liberal himself, he wrote his seven volume history with such a masterly balance that Catholics,louboutin pas cher, liberals and socialists could quote from it with equal respect in their newspapers or sometimes even in their political gatherings. Pirenne's history remains crucial to the understanding of Belgium's past, but his notion of a continuity of Belgian civilization forming the basis of political unity has lost favor, however, leaving many Belgian scholars to feel that the creation of their country was a historical accident.<sup id="cite_ref-5" class="reference"> Pirenne's argument that the long Spanish rule in the Low Countries had little continuing cultural impact has likewise fallen, in the face of new as research since 1970 in the fields of cultural, military, economic, and political history.<sup id="cite_ref-6" class="reference"> Bibliography <span class="mw-headline" id="Reference_and_surveys">Reference and surveys <ul></ul> <span class="mw-headline" id="Specialty_studies">Specialty studies <ul></ul> notes </i></ol> <ul> <li>polo ralph lauren Brisbane 24-hour itinerary</li> <li>sac longchamp pliage UserJohn Pate - Citizendium</li> <li>louis vuitton pas cher How did GB do on Day 7 - Paralympics - Channel 4</li> </ul>

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From Citizendium, the Citizens' Compendium Child sexual abuse is a subtype of that occurs when an adult or older child forces or coerces a child into sexual activity. In some definitions of the sexual abuse of children, the abuse hinges on the motivations of the abuser rather than on the specifics of the activity with a child; in this view the sexual abuse of a child occurs in any activity "before the age of legal consent, that is for the sexual gratification of an adult or a significantly older child".<sup id="cite_ref-0" class="reference"> There are also legal definitions of child sexual abuse, which, worldwide, is ordinarily considered a crime and therefore is variously described by different statutes and laws. It is important to note that, along with overtly sexually explicit activities, child sexual abuse can also include indecent exposure, voyeurism, and exposing a child to pornography. Physical contact is not always required for the sexual abuse of a child to have occurred. Terminology There are currently two main views on how to use terminology in describing sexual interaction between minors and adults. On one hand, it is argued that minors are, due to their age, unable to consent to sex and that all sexual contacts with adults are harmful. In this perspective it is natural to use a negative terminology in describing all such behavior. This may include labeling a willing sexual relationship as child sexual abuse, the minor as victim and the adult as perpetrator. In the other perspective, minors are viewed as being able to give simple consent and not all sexual experiences between adults and minors are assumed to be harmful. In this perspective it is natural to use a terminology that adapts to the type of experience that has occurred. A willing minor and adult in a non-harmful relationship may be labeled partners rather than victim and perpetrator, and instead of calling the experience 'child sexual abuse', terms like 'adult/non-adult sexual behavior' may be used. At the moment, there is no consensus in the scientific community on which type of terminology that should be used. <span class="mw-headline" id="Demographics:_incidence_and_prevalence">: incidence and prevalence Estimates of the number of children who endure sexual abuse vary worldwide. Some of these statistics are based on reporting by health care professionals in countries where central reporting of any suspected child abuse is mandatory by law. Because of the stigma associated with sex, and the extreme stigma associated with sexual activity in a child, not only are many cases not reported despite such laws, but there is a definite trend for adults to fail to recognize the fact that such abuse has occurred. As a result, child sexual abuse tends to go unreported even in municipalities where suspicion of sexual abuse demands a report to agencies devoted to child welfare. In many poor and subsistence regions of the world, there are no such agencies, or at least none that have the personnel and facilities to record and investigate such reports. Additionally, the criteria for acts that are considered sexual abuse change a bit regionally and culturally. For these reasons, the incidence and prevalence of the sexual abuse of children can only be estimated, and the differing rates reported in different areas may not represent actual differences in the magnitude of the problem. <span class="mw-headline" id="USA_and_Canada">USA and Canada According to a 2004 report by the U,abercrombie pairs.S. Department of Health and Human Services, <sup id="cite_ref-2004_report_1-0" class="reference"> 2.2% of under 4 year olds, 9.1% of 4-7 year olds, 11.4% of 8-11 year olds, and 16.5% of 12-15 year olds reported being sexually abused. It has been suggested by many health care professionals that girls are abused far more often than boys. However due to sexism, and the social connotation that abuse of boys by women is enjoyable, the sexual abuse of boys may be underreported. Therefore, it may be possible that boys are victims of sexual abuse just as frequently as girls. Unfortunately, this is difficult to determine, as it is estimated that up to 90% of sexual abuse cases are never reported to the proper authorities.<sup id="cite_ref-2" class="reference"> <sup id="cite_ref-dube_3-0" class="reference"> Doctors, pediatricians, and other professionals in the medical field are left with the legal and moral burden of reporting any suspicious abuse. Unfortunately, according to a 2006 literature review of more than 15 studies, there is much inconsistency as to what constitutes reasonable suspicion for sexual abuse.<sup id="cite_ref-2006_lit_review_4-0" class="reference"> According to one study on the Pennsylvania American Academy of Pediatrics, approximately 85% of the individuals surveyed were inconsistent in applying their standard for determining reasonable suspicion. Furthermore, there is a lack of knowledge among medical professionals with regard to child maltreatment. Of the 139 pediatricians included in a study by Giardino Dubow, 29% could not accurately label the hymen; a membrane typically examined in cases involving sexual abuse or rape. Furthermore, only half of the pediatricians in the study felt that they had been adequately educated in the area of child sexual abuse.<sup id="cite_ref-dubow_5-0" class="reference"> Whether or not the medical community is doing enough to detect and prevent child sexual abuse is still controversial. <span class="mw-headline" id="Underreporting_and_statistical_inaccuracies">Underreporting and statistical inaccuracies Due to social taboo and the negative stigma associated with child sexual abuse, many children do not disclose the abuse. Reasons for lack of disclosure may include fear of getting the abuser in trouble, feelings of guilt or shame, not wanting to disrupt the family structure, and fear of not being believed. Additionally, threats (physical or otherwise) may be used by the abuser to keep the child from breaking the silence. Because of this, a significant number of child sexual abuse cases are never disclosed to anyone; and of the ones that are disclosed, there is no guarantee that the child's parents will press charges or take legal action. In turn, this makes it very difficult to gather accurate statistics, as the percentages of abused children may be much higher than what is recorded. Furthermore, if certain children are more likely to report the abuse than other children, many studies on child sexual abuse may be guilty of sampling bias; that is, certain children are either systematically or accidentally not included in the study. This is also true of many studies on child sex offenders, as many do not account for predators that have not yet been reported or have yet to go through the legal system. Lastly, studies that use questionnaires or surveys as a means of alleviating sampling bias may also be guilty of response bias. In studies such as these, the subjects may fail to answer the questions accurately due to the stigma attached to the subject; or in some cases, may fail to answer the survey at all. All of these problems combined make it very difficult to gather accurate, neutral statistics on child sexual abuse using a representative sample.<sup id="cite_ref-mayo_6-0" class="reference"> <span class="mw-headline" id="Children_at_high_risk">Children at high risk Any child can be a victim of child sexual abuse. However in the U.S., most recent studies show that Caucasian children account for the highest percentage of child sexual abuse, second being Hispanics, and third being African Americans.<sup id="cite_ref-2004_report_1-1" class="reference"> The average age group for child sexual abuse is 8-11,veste moncler, with an average age of 9.9 for boys, and 9.6 for girls. Additionally, children who are on the brink of puberty are at a high risk for abuse, as many child sex offenders will take advantage of their developing sexual curiosity. Furthermore, children who lack confidence or do not have strong social support (i.e. friends, family, etc) are at a much higher risk for sexual abuse, as many fixated offenders (see below) tend to seek out such children. Lastly, children with special needs (i.e. lacking a father figure, living in poverty) are also at a higher risk for abuse because many offenders will shower such children with attention and gifts only to abuse their relationship at a more opportune time. Despite this however, it should be noted that sexual abuse occurs in both lower and upper class families, and is not limited to any specific ethnic group or any other social group. <span class="mw-headline" id="Children_with_communication_disorders.2C_mentally_retarded_children">Children with communication disorders, mentally retarded children Children who cannot report abuse because they cannot speak or use manual language are at very high risk for abuse, including sexual abuse. <span class="mw-headline" id="Child_sex_offenders">Child sex offenders Child sexual abuse can be perpetrated by anyone regardless of age, race, lifestyle, or any other individual factors. However, men account for the majority (96%) of child sexual abuse cases, though females can abuse as well.<sup id="cite_ref-ending_crimes_7-0" class="reference"> Furthermore, it is very common (and most probable) that the offender is either related to the child or knows the child by other means. This means adults who have a trusting relationship with the child are most likely to be abusers; which includes aunts, uncles, cousins, teachers, coaches, etc. Additionally, child sex offenders can usually be categorized as regressed or fixated, based on the motive for their crime.<sup id="cite_ref-offender_types_8-0" class="reference"> <span class="mw-headline" id="Regressed_offenders">Regressed offenders Regressed offenders are primarily attracted to adults their own age, but may be passively aroused by minors. Typically, with regressed offenders, any sexual activity in their adolescent years has been exclusively with peers their own age; not with younger children. Additionally, regressed offenders tend only to offend when under times of stress, or under the influence of drugs or alcohol. Furthermore, the main criteria used by regressed offenders appears to be availability, as the child is only used as a substitute and is not the primary preference. As a result, regressed offenders tend to have a higher rate of incestuous relationships, and may abuse their own children. While regressed offenders prefer an adult partner over that of a child, they may seek out a child partner when they encounter problems in their adult relationship.<sup id="cite_ref-behavioral_analysis.3B_third_edition_9-0" class="reference"> Due to this, it would be inaccurate to refer to a regressed offender as a, as he or she is not primarily or exclusively attracted to children.<sup id="cite_ref-offender_types_8-1" class="reference"> <span class="mw-headline" id="Fixated_offenders">Fixated offenders Fixated offenders are much different in that their primary sexual interest is with children instead of adults. Most fixated offenders meet the American Psychological Association's diagnostic criteria for, and are either primarily or exclusively aroused by prepubescent children. Fixated offenders are either not interested in or incapable of holding adult relationships, hence why they pursue relationships with children. Most sexual acts perpetrated by fixated offenders are not related to drugs or alcohol. Lastly, it should be noted that fixated offenders are not only attached to children physically, but also emotionally,polo ralph lauren pas cher.<sup id="cite_ref-offender_types_8-2" class="reference"> <span class="mw-headline" id="Older_children_and_teens">Older children and teens Older children and teenagers are also capable of sexually abusing younger children. In the U.S., about 25% of all sexual offenses are perpetrated by minors.<sup id="cite_ref-10" class="reference"> As long as the abuser is older, has a mental advantage, and has greater sexual knowledge than the child engaging in the act, the act can also be considered child sexual abuse.<sup id="cite_ref-children_who_abuse_11-0" class="reference"> Many studies have shown that most fixated offenders recognized their attraction to children well before adulthood. Teens or older children who take younger children to secret places, excessively hug or kiss younger children who don't want such attention, or make frequent comments about the physical development of others may be exhibiting warning signs that indicate possible abuse of the younger child. It should also be noted that many children begin abusing younger children before the age of 18, and such instances are not uncommon.<sup id="cite_ref-children_who_abuse_11-1" class="reference"> In many cases, children who sexually abuse younger children may have learned the behavior from being sexually abused themselves. Homosexuals Contrary to many popular myths, there is no conclusive evidence to prove homosexuals are at a higher risk for sexually abusing children. In the U.S., many religious and conservative organizations claim that a third of sexual abuse cases involve men abusing boys, thus proving that homosexuals abuse disproportionately compared to heterosexuals. Unfortunately, many of these claims fail to address the fact that not every man who abuses a boy is a homosexual, as that is very rarely the case. Homosexual men are sexually attracted to adult men and their masculine characteristics. However of the studies done on fixated offenders, those who abuse boys are actually attracted to their lack of maturity, prepubescence, and feminine characteristics (i.e. underdeveloped muscles, lack of pubic hair, etc). Therefore, men who are primarily attracted to children (regardless of gender) are by definition, a ; not a homosexual.<sup id="cite_ref-12" class="reference"> <sup id="cite_ref-13" class="reference"> <span class="mw-headline" id="Intrafamilial_child_sexual_abuse_.28incest.29">Intrafamilial child sexual abuse (incest) Intrafamilial child sexual abuse refers to the sexual abuse of a minor where the offender is related by blood or marriage. It has been suggested that incestuous abuse is more often perpetrated by regressed offenders due to the motive of their crime. For example,abercrombie, a father may turn to his younger daughter for sexual gratification while experiencing difficulties with his sex life, even if he as little erotic attraction towards her. In cases like this, it is much easier for an offender to abuse a child he/she is related to, than to seek out someone else's children. Furthermore, it has been suggested that children who are abused by a close family member or relative may be less inclined to disclose the abuse. According to Incest: Origins of the Taboo (2005), the most serious damage results from mother-son incest, compared to other incestuous relationships. Additionally, according to large-sample studies, approximately 11-46% of child sexual abuse cases involve incest.<sup id="cite_ref-holmes_14-0" class="reference"> Typically, incest carries a much deeper social stigma/taboo than sexual abuse alone; hence why some children may delay longer in disclosing the abuse, or may not disclose it at all. <span class="mw-headline" id="Child_grooming">Child grooming In most cases, before any sexual abuse actually occurs, the abuser will usually groom the child before initiating any sexual activity. Child grooming refers to any deliberate actions taken by an adult to form a trusting relationship with a child, for the purpose of later having sexual contact. The act of grooming a child sexually may include (and usually does include) activities that are legal in and of themselves. Typically, this is done to gain the child's trust as well as the trust of other adults in the child's life. Furthermore, research has shown children are less likely to report the crime if it involves someone that the he or she knows, trusts, and cares about. Additionally, a trusting relationship with the family means the child's parents will be less likely to believe any potential accusations, or suspect the abuse. Some examples of child grooming may include: <ul></ul> It is important to note that many abusers will go out of their way to be charming, nice, and helpful to divert attention away from their deeper motive. By assimilating themselves into a child's family life, the child's parents will feel more comfortable leaving their child unattended with the potential abuser. The period between assimilating one's self into the family, to actual sexual contact is when the grooming process takes place. <span class="mw-headline" id="Effects_of_child_sexual_abuse">Effects of child sexual abuse Child sexual abuse can cause permanent physical and mental damage depending on the age of the child and the force used by the abuser. Physical damage can result from penetration, which can cause lacerations or infections in the vagina or anus. Typically, any attempted penetration with a child under 11 or who is still underdeveloped will usually result in pain and bleeding. In extreme cases, child sexual abuse involving penetration may even cause damage to the child's internal organs. In addition to physical damage, child sexual abuse can also have significant mental effects on the child, that may carry into adulthood.<sup id="cite_ref-treatment_15-0" class="reference"> Child sexual abuse has been linked as a possible cause for psychopathology. Additionally, other emotional damage can also result from the abuse such as depression, post-traumatic stress disorder, anxiety,<sup id="cite_ref-levitan_16-0" class="reference"> poor self-esteem, Somatoform disorders, and self destructive behavior.<sup id="cite_ref-Kendall_17-0" class="reference"> <sup id="cite_ref-18" class="reference"> <sup id="cite_ref-19" class="reference"> One study conducted by Widom, which controlled for possible confounding variables, found that 37.5% of the study's sexually abused subjects met the criteria for post traumatic stress disorder. However it was also noted that other family/lifestyle variables can also contribute to the symptoms.<sup id="cite_ref-widom_20-0" class="reference">  Additionally, children who do not exhibit any symptoms at all may develop psychological problems later on in life. Such problems are usully referred to as sleeper effects, as they do not fully manifest until adulthood.<sup id="cite_ref-cognitive_treatment_21-0" class="reference"> Furthermore, it has been found that a small percentage of sexually abused children may go on to abuse others. Although there has been some speculation about the accuracy of statements made by sex offenders who claim they had been sexually abused. Such statements are usually made in a group setting, where the offender may be trying to receive sympathy or rationalize his/her behavior.<sup id="cite_ref-mayo_6-1" class="reference"> Some studies that make use of a polygraph test show that many sex offenders fabricate such accounts of abuse. Accepted validity of the abused-abuser phenomena in the psychiatric community is still very controversial. Furthermore, it has been suggested that young boys may experience double the trauma when sexually abused by an adult female, due to the widespread belief that boys either cannot be abused by women, or that they enjoyed the experience.<sup id="cite_ref-22" class="reference"> However one study found differing results, showing that most men who had sexual relations with a woman as a boy regarded their experience as positive.<sup id="cite_ref-23" class="reference"> Additionally, other studies found that the definition of child sexual abuse can greatly effect the outcome of the results. One study conducted on male college students found 22% were abused when age differential or coercion was involved, 14% when only age differential was required, and 10% when both were necessary. Additionally, the percentage dropped to 8% when physical contact was also required.<sup id="cite_ref-fromuth_24-0" class="reference"> Despite differing results in the effects of male sexual abuse by women, Colin Crawford, author of Forbidden Feminity: Child Sexual Abuse and Female Sexuality claims that current societal views underestimate the reality and damage done by female sexual abusers.<sup id="cite_ref-25" class="reference"> <span class="mw-headline" id="Positive_and_negative_reactions_to_child_sexual_abuse">Positive and negative reactions to child sexual abuse Several studies have shown that some children may regard their experience as positive.<sup id="cite_ref-26" class="reference"> <sup id="cite_ref-rind2001_27-0" class="reference"> <sup id="cite_ref-okami_28-0" class="reference">  However in many cases, those who are sexually abused as a child will view it as positive at the time, but reflect on it negatively as they enter adulthood. One such study by Urquiza (1987) found that 38% of 53 adult males regarded their sexual abuse as positive at the time, while only 15% retained this attitude.<sup id="cite_ref-29" class="reference"> According to Coffey et al. (1996), this may be due in part to the stigma attached to child sexual abuse.<sup id="cite_ref-30" class="reference"> However in some cases, victims will view their event as positive, even as they enter adulthood. Russell (1986) speculated that the perception of a sexually abusive event as 'positive' could stem from a mechanism for coping with traumatic experiences.<sup id="cite_ref-31" class="reference"> In many abuse cases, such as the rape of women, the victim will attempt to minimize the trauma of the event or pretend that nothing abnormal has happened, due to their desire to return to a normal (pre-abuse) state.<sup id="cite_ref-32" class="reference"> Due to this, studies that use questionnaires to assess the trauma of child sexual abuse can fall victim to inaccurate responses, and thus produce unreliable results. Other findings suggest that some children and adolescents may view the relationship as positive if they had a friendship with the older person.<sup id="cite_ref-33" class="reference">  Some researchers such as John Money, David Finkelhor, and Gabriel Holguin, have suggested that the presumption of trauma or damage can itself cause iatrogenic harm to child victims. Or in other words, automatically assuming harm can actually create harm that would never have existed.<sup id="cite_ref-34" class="reference"> <sup id="cite_ref-35" class="reference"> <sup id="cite_ref-36" class="reference"> <sup id="cite_ref-37" class="reference"> Prevention  <span class="mw-headline" id="Educating_children">Educating children Prevention programs for child sexual abuse have been controversial as it has been questioned whether children are mentally or physically capable of thwarting off sexual advances. According to one literature review by the American Psychological Associaton, in order for prevention programs to be successful, a child must: <ol></ol> Furthermore, in order to ensure success, prevention programs must provide age appropriate information as well as detailed instructions for how to react in such situations. Some programs aimed at preventing sexual abuse have been designed for and implemented in elementary schools. Such programs are usually broken up into two sections: <ol></ol> These programs usually provide children with a brief overview of sexual abuse, and inform them of the following topics: <ul></ul> Additionally, school programs tend to be very light-spirited with the occasional use of humor. This is done to increase its use in public schools, eliminate controversy, and to reduce the chances of frightening the children. Sexual abuse prevention programs come in many forms, including slide-show presentations, movies, discussions, and even role-play.<sup id="cite_ref-reppucci_38-0" class="reference"> <span class="mw-headline" id="Educating_parents_and_caregivers">Educating parents and caregivers Furthermore, while it is important for children to be educated about sexual abuse, it is equally important for the parents to be educated as well. According to a 1984 random sample of 521 parents, only 29% talked to their children (aged 6-14) about sexual abuse. More importantly, only 22% of those that did talk about it ever mentioned that the abuser might be a family member. In other words, only 34 of the 521 parents mentioned to their children that family members/acquaintances can be sexual abusers.<sup id="cite_ref-39" class="reference"> Furthermore, more recent findings show a similar percentage of 30%,<sup id="cite_ref-40" class="reference"> indicating that more effort must be made to increase parental awareness as well as their willingness to discuss sexual abuse with their children. <span class="mw-headline" id="The_two-adult_rule">The two-adult rule Many organizations that work specifically with children have implemented what is known as the two-adult rule. In essence, this rule requires at least two adults to be present for every single child; or in other words, no child can ever be left alone with one adult for any period of time. Furthermore, if a child needs help going to the bathroom and/or getting dressed, it is common for one adult to help the child with the door open, while another adult stands close by and listens to what is going on. Many day care centers and youth programs have implemented this rule. This policy is helpful in that, if implemented properly, provides a witness for every possible sexual abuse accusation. Furthermore, it significantly reduces the chances of sexual abuse, as no adult volunteer will ever be able to create an opportunity to be alone with a child.<sup id="cite_ref-cook_41-0" class="reference"> <span class="mw-headline" id="Programs_targeted_at_potential_abusers">Programs targeted at potential abusers Some programs have been launched in the U.S. and the U.K. to help potential abusers before they commit a crime. Such programs are aimed at helping people the minute they feel they might be at risk for abusing a child, this way the offense can be prevented. Stop In Now! is one popular program implemented in both countries, that effectively provides a hotline for would-be child sexual abusers. The program was launched in 2002 as a public service campaign, urging adults to seek help before they act on their urges, as well as encouraging friends and family to recognize and report anyone who exhibits unusual warning signs. Within its first year, it received hundreds of phone calls from both worried men, as well as people who were concerned about a certain individual. The program provides social services to men and women who feel they may be at risk for abusing children. Although the program has received its fair share of criticism by those who feel such individuals cannot be cured, it is one of the few programs that are taking a new approach at sexual abuse prevention. The main goal of the program is to encourage people (child sex offenders) to be responsible for their actions, thus taking the burden off of parents, children, and medical professionals.<sup id="cite_ref-42" class="reference"> <span class="mw-headline" id="Effectiveness_of_school_programs">Effectiveness of school programs The effectiveness of child sexual abuse prevention in schools has been disputed, as many feel that children should not be left with the burden of protecting themselves from abusers. Additionally, although some studies have shown that elementary school teachers who participated in a training program were more knowledgeable on the topic, they were still not any more likely to actually report the abuse.<sup id="cite_ref-43" class="reference"> On the bright side however, some studies have shown that children who participate in such programs are likely to retain and understand the information. According to one evaluation of a sexual abuse prevention program, children were far more knowledgeable after the three one-hour sessions, and a post-test showed a 25% increase in the accuracy of their responses.<sup id="cite_ref-44" class="reference"> Unfortunately, it is not clear whether knowledge will make children anymore likely to prevent the abuse from happening. A majority of the research suggests that follow-up or review sessions may be necessary for children to retain and understand the curriculum presented.<sup id="cite_ref-reppucci_38-1" class="reference"> <span class="mw-headline" id="Treatment_for_sex_offenders">Treatment for sex offenders Treatment for sex offenders has been controversial, as there has yet to be consensus in the psychiatric community as to whether treatment is effective. Many studies that evaluate the treatment of sex offenders are poor in design, as they fail to have a control group, do not evaluate the offender for a long period of time, or fail to account for subsequent sexual offenses (both reported and unreported). Only a few of the 20+ studies conducted on adolescent offenders made use of both a treatment and a control group. Furthermore, the follow-up duration for those two studies was less than three years. It is unfortunate that most studies conducted on treatment effectiveness have serious flaws in design, and tend to be unreliable or unrepresentative of the population of sex offenders. Some pharmeceutical treatments for sex offenders includes estrogen, cyproterone acetate, medroxyprogesterone acetate, and selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SSRIs). Some studies have shown that SSRIs can reduce an offender's "sexual arousal and sexual preoccupations." However the use of such drugs for adolescent offenders has been criticized due to the lack of studies proving them to be safe for use by minors.<sup id="cite_ref-paradise_45-0" class="reference">  Furthermore, other forms of treatment may involve a series of visits with a social worker or psychiatrist. Such visits are designed to teach the offender how to control and channel his or her sexual urges in an effective and safe manner. For example, encouraging the offender to exercise and go for a walk as opposed to looking at child pornography may be a recommendation made during his or her visits. The offender may also be given recommendations on what to do when sexual fantasies involving children begin to enter his/her mind. In very rare instances will the treatment involve therapy designed to change the offender's sexual attraction away from children, as such efforts have been proven unsuccessful, and are not well accepted in the psychiatric community. Recidivism Just as the actual rates of child sexual abuse are unknown, so are the rates of recidivism. Recidivism refers to repeated offenses made by already convicted child sex offenders. Studies that analyze recidivism tend to vary greatly, as some will only measure the number of related convictions, only rely on self tests, or will only track the offender while he or she is still in treatment. Despite this however, estimates of recidivism fall into the range of 10-50% for fixated/pedophilic offenders.<sup id="cite_ref-mayo_6-2" class="reference"> Other more conservative estimates fall into the range of 12-20%.<sup id="cite_ref-paradise_45-1" class="reference"> Furthermore, research has shown that certain types of offenders (i.e. extrafamilial) may have a higher likelihood of re-offending,doudoune moncler pas cher. For example, some studies have shown that sex offenders who abuse their same gender may have a higher rate of recidivism than those exclusively attracted to opposite sex children. Furthermore, according to one literature review of sexual abuse studies, those who are convicted for incestuous abuse have been shown to have the lowest rate of recidivism.<sup id="cite_ref-mayo_6-3" class="reference"> However some reports contradict this theory, as one showed that that 59% of 329 convicted sex offenders abused both biological and unrelated children. This suggests quite the opposite, as the authors stated incestuous offenders should not be considered at a lower risk for recidivism, concluding the categorization of incestuous vs. nonincestuous is irrelevant.<sup id="cite_ref-46" class="reference"> Additionally, the deviancy of the offender can play a great role in his or her likelihood of re-offending. For example, some studies have shown the younger the child, and the more antisocial personality traits the offender has, the more likely he or she is to abuse other children. Unfortunately, based on the reports above, lack of self-reporting and underreported offenses causes unreliability and lack of consistency in most of the statistics that are collected. Law enforcement agencies have yet to develop a reliable method for detecting someone's likelihood of re-offending upon release.<sup id="cite_ref-mayo_6-4" class="reference"> References  <ul> <li></li> <li>moncler pas cher Medical education - encyclopedia article - Citizendium</li> <li>Indias GVK wins Australian approval for Queensland coal ter</li> </ul>

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